School District of Beloit — WI

Measure: $40M operations referendum · Apr 1, 2025 · Failed 50.8% No / 49.2% Yes (4,447 vs 4,306 — <150 vote margin) · 3rd consecutive operations referendum failure (Apr 2023, Apr 2024, Apr 2025) · NCES district 5501050 Stated purpose: Operational/maintenance, student behavioral resources, student academic resources, teacher/staff compensation. District forecast to exceed revenue limit by $9.17M (2025-26), $14.12M (2026-27), $16.95M (2027-28) if unfunded. Contacts: Dr. Willie Garrison II, Superintendent (verify — former per some sources) · JoAnn Armstrong, Exec Director of Business, HR & Operations · Not listed (Sean Winters departed) · (608) 361-4000 · sdb.k12.wi.us Sources: Spectrum News 1 — WI Apr 2025 referenda results · WCLO — Beloit voters reject · Channel 3000 — referendum fails · WWHG — $40.2M placed on ballot · SDB 2025 Referendum page

1. Snapshot

City-Small district in Rock County, on the WI-IL border south of Janesville. 4,958 students across 12 active schools (Memorial HS, two intermediates — Aldrich & Fran Fruzen, six elementaries, plus Beloit Learning Academy, Beloit Virtual, Beloit Early Learning, and previously Cunningham/McNeel intermediates which appear in NCES with no current enrollment). SAIPE poverty 20.8% — highest in your 7-district set. Demographics 37% Hispanic / 30% White / 22% Black / 11% Multiracial — the most racially diverse district on the list, and the only one where White is not the largest group. Per-pupil expenditure $17,406 (FY2020).

2. Why this was a hard sell — community context (ACS)

Metric Beloit Note
Median household income $56,480 Modest — below state median by ~$20K
Median home value $120,200 Tied with Madison-Mansfield for lowest in cohort
Bachelor’s+ 17.3% Low
Owner-occupied 60.3% Lower than the OH suburb cluster — meaningful renter population
Gini index 0.429 Moderate inequality
Non-English household 17.7% Highest in the cohort — substantial Spanish-speaking community

Beloit is a post-industrial Rust Belt small city — Rock County employment has stagnated for decades, the manufacturing base shifted, and the demographic profile is more urban than the surrounding rural-suburban WI counties. The 17.7% non-English household share is a campaign-execution issue (English-only Yes campaigns systematically under-perform in this voter base), and the 40% renter share means the property-tax incidence is partly on landlords passing through to renters — the populist opposition writes itself. A 50.8/49.2 margin three times in a row is not “this community hates schools”; it’s “this community is exactly split, and a clean 1% movement is what passes the next ask.”

3. Peer comparison

Top peers identified via MCP (enrollment 0.18, poverty 0.15, perPupilExp 0.15, locale 0.12, demographics 0.10, staffing 0.10, plantOps 0.20):

Peer district State Enrollment Per-pupil Plant ops/pp Note
Denison ISD TX 4,977 $16,198 $1,578 Highest match; same locale
Winchester City VA 4,362 $18,310 $1,502 City-Small peer
Galveston ISD TX 6,383 $17,197 High-poverty City-Small
Bloomington SD 87 IL 4,809 $17,637 $1,751 Same state-region; tight per-pupil match
Bowling Green Independent KY 4,831 $17,871 $1,294 High-poverty (27%) City-Small peer
Biloxi Public MS 5,699 $15,983 Coastal MS, same locale
Bremerton SD WA 4,383 $19,159 (Appeared in pilot brief WA-north-kitsap; cross-cohort peer)
St. Charles R-VI MO 4,732 $17,311 $1,539 Same enrollment/spending band
3 redacted “Peer District” entries (PA, WV, PA) Likely FMX customers — outreach team to validate

4. The gap story (what the data would have shown voters)

Unlike most failed-levy districts, Beloit’s plant-ops investment is above the national median. This is a staffing and climate under-investment story, not a buildings one.

5. Referendum history

Three referenda failures in three consecutive years, with the third the closest. The trajectory is improving — 2025 was a coin-flip — which means the fourth attempt is the one to invest the campaign capital into.

6. What voters / opposition actually said

Coverage thin on opposition voices. The closeness of the 2025 margin (<150 votes) and the consistency of timing (April, not November) suggest the campaign isn’t being defeated by organized opposition — it’s being defeated by turnout asymmetry. April municipal-election turnout in WI skews older, whiter, more rural-leaning; the diverse-and-renter half of the Beloit electorate is under-mobilized. A move to November would meaningfully change the voter pool.

The district’s own materials (sdb.k12.wi.us referendum page) emphasize the revenue-limit math — $9.17M shortfall growing to $16.95M by 27-28 — which is true but doesn’t move marginal voters. What moves marginal voters in a 50/50 community is: specific names, specific schools, specific student stories, plus campaign-level investment in Spanish-language outreach and renter-targeted messaging.

7. What we could have told them

  1. “Memorial High School: 44% chronic absenteeism, 68% suspension rate. Beloit Learning Academy: 93% chronic absenteeism. Without the referendum, the climate staff at these two buildings is the first cut — and the numbers go the wrong direction faster.” Specific, building-named, hard to ignore.
  2. “We’re at 97.4% teacher certification — lowest in our peer comparison set. The referendum funds compensation. Without it, we lose more teachers in a market where Bloomington IL and St. Charles MO are paying more.” Direct labor-market framing.
  3. “Plant ops spending: $1,509 per student. Top quartile nationally. The buildings aren’t the problem — we’ve taken care of them. What’s broken is staffing and climate.” Defuses the “you’ve wasted money” attack and pivots cleanly.
  4. Move from April to November ballot. Three April losses in a row with a steadily improving margin. November turnout doubles, the electorate diversifies, and the campaign can be tied to school-year urgency.
  5. Spanish-language campaign mailers, translated voter outreach. 17.7% of households are non-English. The Yes coalition can’t be built without them.

8. FMX outreach hook

Beloit is a non-standard FMX prospect: the under-investment story isn’t about buildings (they’re above national median plant ops), it’s about staffing, climate, and demographic-aware campaign execution. The FMX value isn’t “look how bad your buildings are”; it’s “show your above-average building investment as the foundation of trust for the operating ask.”

Contact unit: Dr. Willie Garrison II (Superintendent — verify currency), JoAnn Armstrong (Exec Director of Business, HR & Operations — broad scope, the right entry point). The departure of Sean Winters means there’s a vacant operations seat — which is either a hiring opportunity for FMX-fluent talent or a risk that institutional knowledge has walked out.

Lead with JoAnn Armstrong — her title (Business, HR, and Operations) means she’s the unified financial-operational decision maker, which is unusual and ideal for a multi-feature pitch.

Opener: “You’re 14% above the national median on plant operations spending — you’ve maintained your buildings. The 50.8/49.2 margin in April 2025 means you’re one campaign cycle away from passing. The variable isn’t the dollar amount — it’s the artifacts. Your 12 buildings, including three at 40%+ chronic absenteeism, need per-building condition data and a maintenance-investment narrative that proves the operating dollars are spent right. With Sean Winters out and the next referendum being the 4th attempt, you can’t afford institutional knowledge gaps. The redacted PA/WV peers in our matching engine are likely already running FMX. We can get your portfolio data infrastructure operational in 60 days, in time for the next referendum window.”

Note on Wisconsin-specific dynamics: WI operating referenda are very different from Ohio levies — they’re operating-limit exceedance asks under state revenue caps, not new property taxes per se. The political framing has to acknowledge this; the FMX pitch is the same.